This page presents abstracts of recent research from books and articles. (Abstracts of CIRCLE funded research projects are under "grants.") Please browse the abstracts by scrolling down, or click here for a particular subject area:

Political Participation and Voting | Community Participation | Civic Knowledge | Youth Attitudes & Beliefs | News and Entertainment Media | K-12 Civic Education | Service Learning | Higher Education | Non-College 18-25s | Group Membership & Social Networks | Concepts of Citizenship | Race, Gender and Immigrant Status

Please contact Research Associate Emily Kirby with comments or questions.

Political Participation and Voting

Click here to view articles from The American Prospect's special report on youth and politics.

Click here to view articles from Acta Politica's special report on politics, youth and socialization.

Andolina, Molly, Jenkins, Krista, Keeter, Scott, and Zukin, Cliff. 2002. "Searching for the Meaning of Youth Civic Engagement: Notes from the Field." Applied Developmental Science 6 (4) 189-195.

This article discusses findings from the first phase of a large study on American civic and political behavior, with a special focus on young people. During the initial phase of the study, a series of focus groups provided a unique opportunity for researchers to hear first-hand about the issues that young people care about as well as the language they use to discuss those issues. Included in the article is a detailed discussion on the difficulties that language can pose for the study of youth civic engagement. The authors found that while the focus groups created a much needed dialogue on the nuances and subtleties of civic engagement, a quantitative research design was still needed in order to better understand the extent to which the attitudes and behaviors found in the focus groups are prevalent in the population at large. The complete findings from the study as well as a copy of the final report can be found here. Abstract written by E. Kirby.

In a series of publications, Verba, Nie and their coauthors (Verba and Nie, 1972; Verba, Nie and Kim, 1971, 1978; Verba, et al., 1973) noted that participatory acts varied along a number of "dimensions of participation." They proposed that acts that have similar profiles along these dimensions would constitute modes of participation. Individuals who performed one act within a mode would be more likely to perform other acts within that mode than acts in other modes. Our exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses of NES data from 1980-2000 confirm the existence of modes of participation, but not the specific modes postulated by Verba and Nie (1972). Possible reasons for these differing findings are suggested.

This research creates a theoretical framework for understanding the effect of Internet voting on the electorate. Based on standard Downsian rational choice voting theory, we claim that Internet voting lowers the cost of voting for certain voting demographics based upon race, age, and income. We further contend that this electoral advantage may crystallize the growing turnout disparity between demographic groups. The theory is tested using Bayesian inferential methods with data from the Internet turnout in the 2000 Arizona Democratic Presidential Primary merged with demographic data obtained from the 2000 Census. Our findings lend support for the theory that the Internet provides an electoral bias towards white voters, younger voters, and to the more affluent.

Greenberg, Anna. "New Generation, New Politics." The American Prospect. October 2003. A3-A5.

The political import of Generation Y has been largely ignored by both major political parties, partly because this generation currently votes at a much lower rate than their older peers. However, neither party has made any large-scale attempts to reach these potential voters. While both party platforms focused on issues relevant to older voters, like Social Security and health insurance, the issues which resonate with Generation Y include protecting the environment and promoting diversity. Although these seem like Democratic issues, the beliefs of Generation Y do not map precisely to either party. For example, younger people are more likely to support privatization and have a more traditional view of sexual mores. Given that this cohort is engaged in the community and expects to improve it, their political support is a vast, but as-yet-untapped resource for either party. Abstract written by K. Schmitt.

Hannahan, Michael T. "Campaign Strategy and Direct Voter Contact." In Herrnson, Paul S. (ed.). Playing Hardball: Campaigning for the U. S. Congress. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. 2001.

In 1994, approximately 28 percent of campaign spending was devoted to direct contact of voters. Direct contact includes personal telephone calls or door-to-door mobilization, as well as direct mail pieces. The use of direct contact by campaigns varies significantly, as does the type of contact initiated (positive, negative, or issue-based). Contrasting the strategies employed in four races during the 1992 and 1994 campaign seasons, Hannahan found that direct contact has a significant impact on the likelihood of voting among infrequent voters (those who participated in one or none of the last three elections). This finding contrasts with the typical strategy of contacting habitual voters. Recent campaign-finance legislation will constrict the ability of candidates to reach out to these infrequent voters, making increased electoral participation unlikely. Abstract written by K. Schmitt.

Highton, Benjamin and Wolfinger, Raymond E. "The First Seven Years of the Political Life Cycle." American Journal of Political Science 45 (1): 202-209.

Voter turnout among young people (ages 18-24) is predictably much lower than people of other age groups, particularly those over age 60. The typical explanations for this phenomenon center on lifestyle characteristics of these citizens. As youth settle into "adult roles," such as home ownership and labor force participation, their voting behavior is said to increase. This relationship is empirically tested in this article, using data from the Current Population Survey Voter Supplement. The multivariate analysis examined the effects of residential stability, marriage, home ownership, labor force participation, student status, age, and living situation (with parents or not). The analysis found that student status and residential stability have the greatest effect on youth turnout (though student status effects turnout in an unexpected direction, students are 17 percentage points more likely to vote). The conclusion is that while moving into "adult roles" does increase turnout, the increase is small (5.9 percentage points) relative to the gap between the oldest and youngest voters (37 percentage points). Abstract written by K. Schmitt.

Hooghe, Marc. 2004. "Political Socialization and the Future of Politics." Acta Politica, 39(4) 331-341.

It is clear that generational replacement is one of the main driving forces for social and political change in liberal democracies. While there is considerable consensus about the observation that the political attitudes and behaviors of young people differ significantly from those of earlier cohorts, there is disagreement about how this observation should be interpreted. Some authors worry about the decline of participation and trust among young people; others herald their tolerance and critical attitudes. In this introduction, it is argued that, because of this generational replacement mechanism, youth studies offer us a glimpse of the future evolution of western political systems. If the differences that are currently being observed persist into later parts of the life cycle, this implies that political systems will have to find a way to adapt to a more critical and distant citizenry.

Jenkins, Krista, Andolina, Molly, W., Keeter, Scott, Zukin, Cliff. "Is Civic Behavior Political? Exploring the Multidimensional Nature of Political Participation" Paper presented at the Midwest Political Science Association, April 3-6 2003, Chicago.

Despite the impression that civic engagement is largely apolitical, there is growing evidence to suggest that this is not true. We demonstrate that individuals who are "civic specialists" are engaged in a variety of non-electoral - but still political - behavior that challenges the notion of a civic/political disconnect. With a nationally representative telephone survey of adults ages 15 and older, we show that public activism can be categorized through a typology of engagement based on the distinction between civic and electoral behavior. Our data show that individuals differ in how much civic and electoral work they report, with some people focusing their participation in one sphere and not the other. But we also find that civic and electoral activists report similar rates of behavior that give expression to their political voice. For a copy of the most recent draft of this paper e-mail Scott Keeter.

This study examines the relationship between college students' political attitudes and their participation rates in the 1996 and 2000 elections. Results suggest that college students may not be as cynical about politicians and the political process as conventional wisdom suggests. Moreover, it finds that apathy among college students may be decreasing while political efficacy remains high. Recommendations include continuing efforts to make voter registration and voting as simple as possible for students while ensuring that students have sufficient information to make informed decisions. Abstract written by E. Kirby.

Jennings, Kent. M. 2002. "Generation Units and the Student Protest Movement in the United States: An Intra- and Intergenerational Analysis." Political Psychology 23 (2): 303-324.

The American student protest movement provides exceptional opportunities to observe how formative political experiences can affect intergenerational cleavages over the adult life span and how they may reflect on intergenerational continuities. Long-term national panel data from the high school class of 1965 and data from their parents and offspring are used here to exploit these opportunities. The results show that a sharp rift in political participation and attitudes emerged between protesters and non-protesters during the protest era, a rift that persists into mid-life and one that testifies to the conceptual utility of generational units. Continuities across the three lineage generations are demonstrated by the moderate similarities in the ideological and participative orientations that are associated with the protest status of the student generation.

The apparent decline in voter participation in national elections since 1972 is an illusion created by using the Bureau of the Census estimate of the voting-age population as the denominator of the turnout rate. We construct a more accurate estimate of those eligible to vote, from 1948-2000, using government statistical series to adjust for ineligible but included groups, such as non-citizens and felons, and eligible but excluded groups, such as overseas citizens. We show that the ineligible population, not the nonvoting, has been increasing since 1972. During the 1960s the turnout rate tended downward both nationally and outside the South. Although the average turnout rates for presidential and congressional elections are lower since 1972 than during 1948-70, the only pattern since 1972 is an increased turnout rate in southern congressional elections. While the voting age was lowered to 18 in 1971, the lower turnout rate of young voters accounts for less than one-fourth of reduced voter participation. Reprinted with the permission of Cambridge University Press.

Political and civic activists are a part of what is termed the "eligibility pool" of individuals who potentially could run political office or seek a government job. They represent an under-evaluated segment of the ambition literature as most recent work has focused on the ambition exhibited by office holders. However, the ambitious politician has been shown to usually begin a career at the local level inhabited by these activists with candidates drawn from their numbers. Yet very little is known about these individuals as to why they do or do not harbor ambition. This paper uses data from the 1990 Citizen Participation Study to evaluate the preprimary, pre-appointment levels of ambition among local political and civic activists. Exploratory factor analysis and use of Constantini and King's (1984) motivational framework reveal a possible preferred path of community involvement for the politically ambition. Examination of differences in socialization, demographics, political Interest/engagement and leadership provide a model for explaining the differences between the ambitious and non-ambitious and show that these potential officeholders fit into a distinct segment of the activist pool and also match previous studies of officeholders who have already acted on their ambition. An examination of gender differences in the ambitious group reveals that the sources of ambition differ for men and women as women are forced to overcome the effects of negative gender messages in socialization and strive for higher levels of credibility as potential candidates than non-ambitious women and ambitious men.

This paper reframes our inquiry into voter turnout by making aging the lens through which the traditional resource and cost measures of previous turnout research are viewed, thereby making three related contributions. (1) I offer a developmental theory of turnout. This framework follows from the observation that most citizens are habitual voters or habitual nonvoters (they display inertia). Most young citizens start their political lives as habitual nonvoters but they vary in how long it takes to develop into habitual voters. With this transition at the core of the framework, previous findings concerning costs and resources can easily be integrated into developmental theory. (2) I make a methodological contribution by applying latent growth curve models to panel data. (3) Finally, the empirical analyses provide the developmental theory with strong support and also provide a better understanding of the roles of aging, parenthood, partisanship, and geographic mobility. Reprinted with the permission of Cambridge University Press.

This research examines participation in the Arizona Democratic primary. The article discusses demographic and attitudinal differences between Internet voters and voters who cast ballots either by mail or by going to the polls and submitting traditional paper ballots. Information in this paper is drawn from three telephone surveys: a 1,200- person cross-sectional survey of Arizona adults, a 1,200- person survey of registered Democrats in Arizona, and a post election panel study with 783 registered Democrats, 318 of whom participated in the primary election. Reprinted with the permission of Cambridge University Press.

Walker, Tobi. 2002. "Service as a Pathway to Political Participation: What Research Tells Us." Applied Developmental Science 6 (4) 183-188.

This article examines the research to-date on whether or not performing community service or volunteering as a young person contributes to political participation. The review finds that much of the research tries to measure citizenship and participation in terms of a "helping model." This model defines and attempts to measure citizenship as largely individual actions that help others in need. According to the author, the flaw in this model is that it encourages the belief that individual actions are enough to solve structural problems. Moreover, the model promotes the idea that service is not a political activity, which in turn encourages the belief among young people that service is an alternative to political participation. The article concludes with a set of recommendations on how service could be repositioned as a way to encourage political participation. Included in the recommendations is a call for a change in the AmeriCorps legislation to allow members to participate in political activity under the same rules that govern 501(c)3 organizations involved in advocacy work. Abstract written by E. Kirby.

Community Participation

Batson, Daniel C., Ahmad, Nadia, and Tsang, Jo-Ann. 2002. "Four Motives for Community Involvement." Journal of Social Issues 58 (3): 429-445.

A conceptual analysis is offered that differentiates four types of motivation for community involvement: egoism, altruism, collectivism, and principlism. Differentiation is based on identification of a unique ultimate goal for each motive. For egoism, the ultimate goal is to increase one's own welfare; for altruism, it is to increase the welfare of another individual or individuals; for collectivism, to increase the welfare of a group; and for principlism, to uphold one or more moral principles. As sources of community involvement, each of these four forms of motivation has its strengths; each also has its weaknesses. More effective efforts to stimulate community involvement may come from strategies that orchestrate motives so that the strengths of one motive can overcome weaknesses of another. Among the various possibilities, strategies that combine appeals to either altruism or collectivism with appeals to principle may be especially promising. To order this article please visit the Journal of Social Issues.

Bennet, Drake. "Doing Disservice." The American Prospect. October 2003. A20-A21.

Following the attacks of September 11th, many called on the government to promote community service, even to institute a mandatory period of national service. However, volunteering, especially "compulsory volunteering," may not be the answer. A wealth of volunteers will make it possible for both government and private companies to cut back on the services they provide through paid workers. Already volunteers pick up the slack in places like libraries, where governmental budget cuts would have eliminated programs altogether were it not for enterprising volunteers. Additionally, there is no proven connection between volunteerism and political involvement. Though youth volunteer more than any other age cohort, they continue to be less politically active. It is the role of government to provide what the private sector can not (like libraries), and active governments rely on active citizens, who are not being fostered by community service. Abstract written by K. Schmitt.

Clary, Gil E. and Snyder, Mark. 2002. "Community Involvement: Opportunities and Challenges in Socializing Adults to Participate in Society." Journal of Social Issues 58 (3): 581-591.

The concluding article of this issue devoted to community involvement considers the unique perspective offered by each article on this topic in this issue, yet does so in the context of the commonalities among them. Most important of these commonalities, perhaps, is that all of the articles address, to some degree, the question of how adults can best be socialized to develop a habit of community participation. Some articles consider this question of encouraging community involvement in educational settings, while others consider the questions in more general settings. Some articles focus on key conceptual processes, whereas others concentrate on practical issues in promoting involvement. Finally, virtually all of the articles consider the benefits of community involvement; some of the articles also explore the downside to efforts to promote community involvement. To order this article please visit the Journal of Social Issues.

Levels of voluntary association membership for 33 democratic countries are compared using data from surveys of nationally representative samples of adults from the 1990s. Four explanations of national differences in association involvement are identified and tested: economic development, religious composition, type of polity, and years of continuous democracy. The analyses consider total and working association memberships, both including and excluding unions and religious associations. Americans volunteer at rates above the average for all nations on each measure, but they are often matched and surpassed by those of several other countries, notably the Netherlands, Canada, and a number of Nordic nations, including Iceland, Sweden, and Norway. Hierarchical linear models show that voluntarism tends to be particularly high in nations that have: (1) multidenominational Christian or predominantly Protestant religious compositions, (2) prolonged and continuous experience with democratic institutions, (3) social democratic or liberal democratic political systems, and (4) high levels of economic development. With some exceptions for working memberships, these factors, both separately and in combination, are clearly important predictors of cross-national variation in voluntary association membership.

Who in America volunteers what and why? And what impact does volunteering have? It is widely believed that the typical volunteer is middle-aged and middle-class and that volunteerism is rooted in American cultural individualism. Undocumented and unexplored are collectivistic roots of giving, which may have a different social base than individualistic-grounded volunteerism. Characteristics of collectivistic-rooted volunteerism, conditions under which it transpires, and group and community effects of such giving are explored here. The analysis is based on ethnographic research in a predominantly "old immigrant" working-class inner-ring suburb. Collectivistic-rooted volunteerism is shown to be community-embedded and to have group, community, and class stratifying effects.

Youth development strategies promote positive outcomes by purposely seeking to meet youth needs and build youth competencies, enabling youth to become successful adults. Recent studies of youth development have suggested that youth are a valuable asset for building healthy communities. Youth are also being recognized as highly effective advocates for local tobacco policy change as well.

Based on the direct experience of youth in tobacco policy change in Madison County, Illinois, this study considers the engagement of youth in tobacco policy campaigns. Relying on new "Concept Mapping" software, this paper considers many of the issues, benefits and challenges of engaging youth in policy change in their own communities. It also explores the motivational factors associated with getting youth involved with public policy change initiatives.

Community building is quickly being recognized as a promising approach to revitalizing neighborhoods, both physically and civically. In this article, the author documents a process that can be used by community based organizations interested in initiating community-empowered change. The model has a special focus on the building of civic engagement and social capital. As groups use this model, the author recommends that one consider how the framework might be applied to youth development as a community agenda item and also how youth might be involved as participants, contributors, or initiators of the process outlined. The process consists of the following five components: resident engagement, agenda building, community organizing, community action, and communications and message development. Abstract written by E. Kirby.

Kirlin, Mary. 2002. "Civic Skill Buildings: The Missing Component in Service Programs?" PS: Political Science and Politics 35: 571- 575.

Much political, public, and scholarly attention has recently been paid to the idea that service learning and community service help create civically engaged citizens. However, this article suggests that little evidence supports expectations that service learning encourages civic behaviors such as voting, contacting elected officials, and being active in community affairs. In contrast, it frames evidence that participation in clubs and organizations during adolescence leads to higher levels of civic engagement during adulthood within the political participation model developed by Verba, Schlozman, and Brady (1995), suggesting that one reason participation in clubs and organizations during adolescence leads to adult civic engagement is the development of fundamental civic skills necessary for later civic engagement. The article further suggests that involving students in many levels of the learning process may facilitate the development of civic skills important for later civic engagement. Suggestions for further research are included. Reprinted with the permission of Cambridge University Press.

As more and more schools implement programs requiring students to perform community service as a requirement for graduation, a debate is growing over the effectiveness of such programs. This study examined a school district in the suburbs of Boston, MA over a three-year period to see whether compulsory service had a positive or negative effect on students' interest in service. The study found that there are three factors associated with a students being more inclined toward service (1) having parents who volunteer, (2) belonging to school organizations (which can be presumed to afford opportunities for service), and (3) the school requirement mandating 40 hours of service.

Community service often involves sustained prosocial actions by individuals. This article focuses on one kind of such actions, volunteerism. Volunteerism involves long-term, planned, prosocial behaviors that benefit strangers, and usually occur in an organizational setting. A selective review of the literature on the correlates of volunteerism is presented. One part of the review concerns the relationship between dispositional variables and volunteerism; it includes new data from an on-line survey that show significant relationships among personality traits, religiosity, and volunteer activities. The other part concerns how organizational variables, alone and in combination with dispositional variables, are related to volunteerism. A theoretical model of the causes of sustained volunteerism is presented and the practical implications of this model are discussed. To order this article please visit the Journal of Social Issues.

In this chapter we offer a conceptual framework for the understanding of public service that allows for the incorporation of sociological themes of organizational structure and institutional power. We build on sociological conceptualizations of the self found in role identity theory, using examples from research on health care workers to show how role identities and organizational structures can both limit and enhance the likelihood of principled dissent. Finally, we extend our theoretical framework to better understand how community service is employed to address the structural sources of social problems. To order this article please visit the Journal of Social Issues.

Voluntary association membership varies dramatically among nations, by both the number and the type of associations that people join. Two distinctions account for much of this variation: (1) the distinction between statist versus nonstatist (sometimes called "liberal") societies, and (2) the distinction between corporate versus noncorporate societies. These two dimensions summarize historically evolved differences in state structure, political institutions, and culture of nations that channel, legitimate (or deligitimate), and encourage (or discourage) various types of associational activity. Membership in associations in 32 countries is examined using data from the 1991 World Values Survey; hierarchical models estimate the effects of individual-level and country-level factors on individual association membership. Results show that statism constrains individual associational activity of all types, particularly in "new" social movement associations. Corporateness positively affects membership, particularly for "old" social movements. Finally, temporal trends indicate some convergence towards Anglo-American patterns of association.

Efforts to increase involvement of citizens in their communities are now widespread. We discuss key forms of community involvement, such as community service and volunteerism, broadly, and educational initiatives that promote involvement (e.g., service-learning courses) more specifically. There are benefits to be achieved by the promotion of involvement, but also potential drawbacks. As an example of one approach to investigating community involvement, we review research on the interactive influence of person-centered functional variables (e.g., motives) and situation-centered structural variables (e.g., program features) on prosocial action. Ultimately, we call for greater attention to be paid to all of the constituent groups in the community involvement spectrum and the necessarily respectful and equitable relationships that must be forged among them. To order this article please visit the Journal of Social Issues.

Civic Knowledge

A large, multi-phase study of civic engagement in America found that young people who are actively involved in civic and political activities also had good role models at home, skills training in school, and received an invitation from an outside group or individual to volunteer. Schools play an important role in encouraging youth civic engagement by offering opportunities for open discussion of current events, and creating occasions for community service. Outside of the classroom, schools can also provide training through extra-curricular activities, especially when they are involved with political groups. The study found that students who participate in political groups in high school continue to be disproportionately civically and politically active after they finish school. Finally, the belief that one can make a difference in their community is associated with civic and political engagement. Families, schools, and other groups can lay the groundwork for later engagement by encouraging positive attitudes in childhood. Abstract written by E. Kirby.

Dudley, Robert L. and Gitelson, Alan R. 2003. "Civic Education, Civic Engagement, and Youth Civic Development." PS: Political Science and Politics 36 (2) 263- 266.

This article discusses the importance of political knowledge as a necessary precondition of civic engagement. It highlights past research that has helped us to understand political literacy and civic engagement. Recommendations for future political socialization research include (1) giving more attention to developmental psychology and theories of the learning process, and (2) researching implicit connections among various agents (family, education system, media, and political campaigns) in the development of political awareness. The author cautions that before standards of civic education and civic engagement are developed more needs to be known about what knowledge is necessary and desired for an informed and active citizenry. Abstract written by E. Kirby.

Flanagan, Constance. 2003. "Developmental Roots of Political Engagement." PS: Political Science and Politics 36 (2) 257-261.

Young people are learning and practicing civic and political skills through organizations and institutions such as family, religious institutions, and extracurricular activities. Through community-based institutions, young people are working together as peers to decide on projects and holding one another accountable for collective goals. According to the author, this activity is helping young people reinterpret the social contract for their generation and, in turn, they are creating both stability and change within the political system. Abstract written by E. Kirby.

Lay, J. Celeste. "Civic Engagement in Poor Communities: Differences between Urban and Rural Poverty." Paper presented at the Midwest Political Science Association, April 3-6 2003, Chicago.

In this paper, I examine the influence of growing up in a low-income environment on adolescents' levels of political knowledge and efficacy. Literature in urban politics indicates that growing up in poor environments leads to a litany of negative social outcomes: criminal behavior, educational failure, substance abuse, teenage pregnancy, as well as low civic engagement. This literature leaves out a significant portion of American youth: those living in rural areas and small towns. These young people are often just as poor as those in urban areas. Using data from Maryland high school students, I find that an impoverished environment does not necessarily produce low knowledge or efficacy. In economically disadvantaged rural communities, young people have average or high levels of knowledge and efficacy. I conclude that scholarship focusing on low-income neighborhoods and communities should include rural communities in their samples. By doing so, we can better theorize and test the effects of poverty on social outcomes.

Lupia, Arthur. "Who is Competent to Increase Civic Competence? Necessary Conditions for Knowledge Transfer in Political Contexts." Paper presented at the Midwest Political Science Association, April 3-6 2003, Chicago.

I introduce and integrate empirical findings on human cognitive capacities and theoretical insights about the dynamics of communication in political contexts to produce a set of necessary conditions for increasing civic competence. In this paper, I focus on three classes of relevant conditions. One class of conditions I call The Battle for Attention and Working Memory. If one person wants to increase the competence of a target by providing information to her, the target must pay attention to that information rather than all of the other stimuli that regularly compete for her attention. This battle is far harder to win than many civic competence advocates and many popular folk theories of learning suggest. A second class of conditions I call The Battle for Elaboration and Long-Term Memory. In short, even if a piece of information is attended to, it can increase information only if it is processed in a particular way. Several scientific research efforts including clinical research on memory, experimental research on persuasion, and formal models of strategic communication clarify the mechanics of information processing in political settings. Again, this battle is far harder to win than many civic competence advocates and many popular folk theories of learning suggest. I call a third class of conditions The Battle at the Precipice of Choice. Even if a piece of information is stored in long-term memory, it can increase competence only if it is acted upon the next time the citizen in question has to make a decision. Specifically, a person must decide to act on the new information rather than old information that may have worked well for them in the past. This too, is more difficult than many people expect. These classes of necessary conditions, along with others, reveal serious challenges for those who make broad and general claims about the benefits of endeavors such as civic education programs and deliberative mechanisms. They reveal that inattention to current and evolving social scientific knowledge about attention, memory, persuasion, strategic communication is a recipe for failure. Fortunately, these necessary conditions also suggest engineering principles that can help people adapt to the set of challenges that can be overcome. In sum, my work shows how new ways of thinking can help people who want to increase civic competence make more effective decisions.

Renzulli, Joseph S. 2002. "Expanding the Conception of Giftedness to Include Co-Cognitive Traits and to Promote Social Capital." Phi Delta Kappan 84 (1): 33-40, 57-58.

Persons who have made contributions to all areas of human accomplishment have been recognized because of their abilities, creativity, and task commitment. But there are other characteristics that can be found in truly remarkable people, and especially people who have used their gifts and talents to promote social capital and to make the world a better place. This article focuses on these co-cognitive characteristics and how to develop them in young people. Included are traits such as courage, optimism, a sense of power to change things, and the ability to fall in love with a topic or discipline. The full-length article can be downloaded and reproduced without permission.

Results from an international survey of adolescents indicate that middle childhood and adolescents are important age periods for civic education programs and research. Schools that encourage (1) active participation in different activities, such as student government, (2) active engagement in issues and, (3) explicit teaching play an important role in helping young people develop a meaningful citizen identity. Included in the analysis is an examination of the different civic and political activities that young people engage in as well as changes in political and civic attitudes and knowledge between the ages of 14 and 18. Abstract written by E. Kirby.

An international comparison study of 90,000 14-year-olds offers insights into the impacts that schools have on civic education and the methods schools use to foster students' concerns for citizenship and democracy. One finding of great concern is the existence of achievement and participation gaps between students who expect to attend higher education and those with fewer educational advantages and aspirations. Evidence of the importance of classroom discussions conducted in environments that allow for open discussion and respect for diverse opinions is also presented. A future challenge identified is the preparation of teachers to conduct such discussions while maintaining a strong content focus. Abstract written by E. Kirby.

This article summarizes findings from the IEA Civic Education Study in which 90,000 14-year-olds in 28 countries were surveyed about their civic knowledge, skills and attitudes. The research provides a first step in developing the role that schools should play in the civic education and engagement process. The results of the study suggest that schools can help young people become civically engaged by: (1) teaching civic content and skills, (2) ensuring open dialogue in classrooms when discussing controversial issues, (3) emphasizing the importance of political participation, and, (4) supporting participation opportunities such as student council. Additionally, a crucial barrier that schools must overcome involves finding new ways to engage students who do not plan to attend college and have little educational resources at home. Abstract written by E. Kirby.

Youth Attitudes & Beliefs

Sherrod, Lonnie R. 2003. "Promoting the Development of Citizenship in Diverse Youth." PS: Political Science and Politics 36 (2) 287- 292.

This article reports on the research phase of a project to develop a program that would redirect youth attention and interest to citizenship. By studying youth political attitudes and socialization experiences in regards to family, race and religion it is hoped that a potential "hook" to engage young people in political and civic activities will be discovered. The research has a special focus on the attitudes and socialization of poor and minority youth. To date, the authors have found four dimensions of youth political attitudes: (1) conservative morality (censorship, pornography, religion), (2) Crime/ Violence or Quality of Life (crime, violence, child care), (3) Causes/ Vulnerable Populations (discrimination, AIDS, gay and minority rights), and (4) Inequality/ Human Welfare/ Concern for Others (poverty, homelessness, jobs, gap between rich and poor). In addition, preliminary findings indicate that youth view the rights of citizenship mainly in terms of entitlements and freedoms.

Stoneman, Dorothy. 2002. "The Role of Youth Programming in the Development of Civic Engagement." Applied Developmental Science 6 (4) 221-226.

Empowering youth to take positive action in their community has many benefits including providing an opportunity to overcome barriers of disrespect and marginalization that many youth experience. This article contains a practical description of the role adults can play in helping young people create their own community improvement projects, participate in governance, and mount an issue campaign. Based on research findings and the experience of YouthBuild USA, it is argued that this 3 pronged approach has many benefits including reinvesting negative youth energy in a constructive manner and developing young leaders who are ethical, skilled, and highly committed to building a just and equitable society. Abstract written by E. Kirby.

Conventional wisdom holds that young people in Britain are alienated from politics, with some claiming that this reflects a wider crisis of legitimacy that should be met by initiatives to increase citizenship. This article addresses these areas, presenting both panel survey and focus group data from first-time voters. It concludes that, contrary to the findings from many predominantly quantitative studies of political participation, young people are interested in political matters, and do support the democratic process. However, they feel a sense of anti-climax having voted for the first time, and are critical of those who have been elected to positions of political power. If they are a generation apart, this is less to do with apathy, and more to do with their engaged skepticism about 'formal' politics in Britain.

News & Entertainment Media

(See also the Lupia et al and Shulman et al articles abstracted on this page.)

Beck, Paul Allen, Dalton, Russell J., Greene, Stephen, and Huckfeldt, Robert. 2002. "The Social Calculus of Voting: Interpersonal, Media, and Organizational Influences on Presidential Choices." American Political Science Review 96 (1): 57-73.

Voting choices are a product of both personal attitudes and social contexts, of a personal and a social calculus. Research has illuminated the personal calculus of voting, but the social calculus has received little attention since the 1940s. This study expands our understanding of the social influences on individual choice by examining the relationship of partisan biases in media, organizational, and interpersonal intermediates to the voting choices of Americans. Its results show that the traditional sources of social influence still dominate: Interpersonal discussion outweighs the media in affecting the vote. Media effects appear to be the product of newspaper editorial pages rather than television or newspaper reporting, which contain so little perceptible bias that they often are misperceived as hostile. Parties and secondary organizations also are influential, but only for less interested voters-who are more affected by social contexts in general. Overall, this study demonstrates that democratic citizens are embedded in social contexts that join with personal traits in shaping their voting decisions. Reprinted with the permission of Cambridge University Press.

Bimber, Bruce and Davis, Richard. "Campaigning Online: The Internet in U.S. Elections." Oxford University Press, 2003.

A new book by Bruce Bimber and Richard Davis looks at how the Internet has become part of American democracy. Among other questions, the authors look into whether voters are influenced by what they read on the Internet and whether they go online to learn about issues and candidates who have not been covered by the mainstream media. A summary of the book can be found at the Oxford University Press Web site.

Franke-Ruta, Garance. "Virtual Politics." The American Prospect. October 2003. A6-A8.

When the dot-com bubble burst, hoards of well-educated, technologically-savvy workers were left without jobs. Many began using their knowledge and skills to impact the civic and political world. Web-sites like MoveOn.org and Meetup.com were founded by former technological intellects. In the 2004 presidential election, these former Silicon Valley pioneers are having even more impact. DraftWesleyClark.com raised more than $1 million dollars in one month, before Clark ever declared he was running. The importance of web logs ("blogs") was tapped by the Howard Dean campaign, making him the most successful Democratic challenger to date. Clark supporter Stirling Newberry states "If you're not on the Internet you are not an active person" politically. Abstract written by K. Schmitt.

Goldstein, Ken and Freedman, Paul. 2002. "Campaign Advertising and Voter Turnout: New Evidence for a Stimulation Effect." Journal of Politics 64 (3): 721-740.

Recent controversy over campaign advertising has focused on the effects of negative ads on voters. Proponents of the demobilization hypothesis have argued that negative ads turn off voters and shrink the size of the electorate. We argue that negative campaign charges are just as likely to engage potential voters, leading to a stimulation effect when it comes to turnout. Drawing on a new source of ad-tracking data from the 1996 presidential election, combined with the 1996 National Election Study, we generate estimates of the probability that voters were exposed to positive and negative political advertising. With this new, more precise approach, we find unambiguous evidence that exposure to negative campaign ads actually stimulates voter turnout.

Lupia, A. & Philpot, T. (2003) "Views from Inside the Net: How Websites Affect Young Adults' Political Interest"

We use a unique survey design to study how websites affect political interest. In the middle of every interview, we surprise respondents by asking them to view randomly selected websites. Later in the interview, we ask respondents questions about what they saw. Our analysis of this data focuses on whether certain kinds of websites are better able to pique the political interest of younger adults. We find an interesting pattern. When respondents of any age evaluate a site as effective and efficient, then viewing it is more likely to increase their political interest. Age differences matter because young and old evaluate sites differently. Some sites that young adults find effective and efficient, older adults do not. This difference implies that the set of sites that induce older adults to learn more about politics is different than the set has equivalent effects on young adults. This work makes two contributions. Methodologically, our design provides a new way to study how “the Internet” affects political interest. Substantively, our finding can help political entrepreneurs engage young adults more effectively. Abstract written by paper authors.

Parkin, Michael D., Bos, Angela, and van Doorn, Bas. "Laughing, Learning, and Liking? The Effects of Entertainment-Based Media on American Politics." Paper presented at the Midwest Political Science Association, April 3-6 2003, Chicago.

Using data from the Pew Center, we analyze the impact of entertainment-based media on political variables. We find that 'news junkies' and young, white males with low levels of education and political awareness are the most likely to get political information from these unorthodox sources. Our results also lend support to Prior's (2003) contention that little factual knowledge of politics is gained from informal programs. We also find that the satire on entertainment-based programs appears to positively affect the public's appraisal of President Clinton, however, it does not influence the way that people see the Republican leadership. Finally, these sources do not appear to impact vote choice. Our findings are only suggestive and, ultimately, the effect of the rise of entertainment-based media as a source for political news may take some time and further investigation to uncover.

K-12 Civic Education

See the April 2003 edition of PS Online for a Civic Education Symposium entitled Nurturing Civic Lives: Developmental Perspectives on Civic Education.

Kurtz, Karl T., Allan Rosenthal, and Cliff Zukin, "Citizenship: A Challenge for All Generations." published by National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL), September 2003.

A national survey of Americans suggests that the older generation has failed in its responsibility to prepare the "DotNet generation" (those between 15 and 26 years of age in 2003) for civic participation. Participants were polled on such topics as: (1) qualities of a good citizen; (2) civic engagement; (3) civic knowledge; and (4) attitudes towards representative democracy. Responses are disaggregated for DotNets and over-26 respondents. The quantitative and qualitative generational gap in civic attitudes and knowledge, the largest such gap ever documented, is not the end, say the authors. Based on the evidence that civic education has a positive impact on civic attitudes, knowledge and participation, they suggest that if today's civics and government classes make a difference, higher quality civic education will likely have an even greater positive influence.

A growing number of theorists are calling for a revival of research on political socialization based on the premise that children are active in their own civic development. We advance this argument a step further by proposing a model of family communication that reverses the roles of parents and children as conventionally understood in political socialization. Adolescent children are not merely receptive to political stimulation; they possess the power to transform patterns of family communication in ways that benefit themselves and their parents. We first challenge a series of interrelated assumptions about the nature and direction of influence in the family. We then document evidence of "trickle-up influence," in which child-initiated discussion - prompted by a civics curriculum - prompts the parent to increase her civic competence via increased news media use, knowledge gain, and opinion formation. The parent's response reflects her desire to maintain a leadership role in the family, and more importantly from a theoretical perspective, it reveals the intrinsic forces of family adaptation that can make the home a powerful incubator of citizenship. Political growth occurs when the family system adjusts to re-establish equilibrium in response to exogenous factors or developmental needs that propel change. The ultimate purpose of this essay is to propose a functional model of family political communication. We apply theoretical perspectives from developmental literature to illustrate how political communication serves the family goals of autonomy and cohesion during various stages of the family life cycle. Abstract by Mike McDevitt.

Michael McDevitt & Steven H. Chaffee, "Closing Gaps in Political
Communication and Knowledge: Effects of a School Intervention,"
Communication Research, 27, 259-292, 2000.

A model of family influence that reverses the traditional roles of parents and children is presented to explain the results of a school intervention that narrowed political communication and knowledge gaps between parents of high and low socioeconomic status. Students' exposure to a civics curriculum stimulated adolescent news media use at home, and discussions with parents about an ongoing election campaign. These discussions, in turn, stimulated parents to pay more attention to news and to gain political knowledge. Students in grades 5-12 and one parent of each family were interviewed in a quasi-experimental evaluation of the civics curriculum (N=457 pairs). Parents in low-SES homes had not been strongly socialized to politics in their own youth, but their children's exposure to the school intervention provided them a "second chance" at citizenship. This study highlights the capacity of the child to stimulate political communication in low-SES families. Abstract by Mike McDevitt.

Miller, Jon D. and Kimmel, Linda. “A Longitudinal Study of the Development of Citizenship Behaviors in Adolescence and Young Adulthood.” Paper presented at the International Society of Political Psychology, July 8, 2003, Boston.

Adult political participation is strongly impacted by events in youth. Specifically, it is believed that parents and schools play a significant role in forming future political attitudes. Miller and Kimmel evaluated this theory using data from the Longitudinal Study of American Youth. The authors looked at three time periods – middle school, high school, and post-high school – and evaluated the impact of variables on both expectations for future participation and actual participation among the eldest group. Parental education was found to have the greatest influence on participation, both directly and mediated through other behavior, such as having frequent political conversations with their children. Additionally, educated parents are likely to push their children to higher levels of educational attainment, and students with more education are more likely to participate. On the other hand, school-related factors, such as enrollment in social studies classes, were not found to have a significant effect on expected or actual political participation. Abstract written by K. Schmitt.

Meir, Deborah. "So What Does it Take to Build a School for Democracy?" Phi Delta Kappan. 85 (1) 15-21.

In this article Meir details the kind of school culture that is needed to promote democratic habits. The author outlines five guiding propositions that can help schools create a democratic school culture and then highlights exemplary schools that have put these suggestions into practice. Additionally the author looks at new ways to assess progress, address ways to overcome gaps in quality of life outside of school and challenges educators to make civic education a real priority. Abstract written by E. Kirby.

O'Brien, Joseph and Jada Kohlmeier, "Leadership: Part of the Civic Mission of School?" The Social Studies, July/August 2003.

Concerns over civic education were raised during the 1990's due to low voter turnout and lack of civic participation among eighteen to twenty nine year olds. As such, many efforts were made to renew civic education. Studies found that many youth felt disconnected from the government; however, other studies reported that many youth chose to participate in alternative forms of civic activities such as community service.

In light of the findings, the authors argue for the importance of leadership in the social studies or civic curriculum. Currently, social studies curricula teach students to be active citizens. The curricula only imply that they pursue leadership positions. Empowering youth with the capacity to serve as leaders contributes to their ability to solve problems in the community, which leads to higher levels of civic efficacy. Also, leadership education prepares youth to make well reasoned decisions when choosing people for leadership positions, i.e. elected officials.

Payne, Charles. "More Than a Symbol of Freedom: Education for Liberation and Democracy" Phi Delta Kappan. 85 (1) 22-28.

This article explores the important role that history can play in helping African American youth increase levels of civic engagement. The author argues that African American youth today are confused about the past and suggests that this confusion raises important questions about their levels of civic engagement. One suggested way to increase civic engagement among this population is to return to the model of the Freedom Schools where appreciation of the African American history is connected to a sense of social responsibility. Abstract written by E. Kirby.

Pearson, Sarah S. and Voke, Heather M. “Building an Effective Citizenry: Lessons Learned from Initiatives in Youth Engagement.” American Youth Policy Forum. Washington, DC. 2003.

Programs designed to generate youth engagement are extremely varied. The American Youth Policy Forum organized a series of field trips and panel discussions to address the variety of programs and opportunities available, as well as some of the problems associated with this type of activity. This paper outlines the findings from nine events which took place in 2002 and 2003. The topics under discussion range from promoting civic engagement among youth with disabilities to the successes and challenges of an innovative crime prevention program. The recommendations which stem from these experiences include valuing the input of youth voices, making national service expected, expanding the role of schools in service experiences, and promoting the teaching of democracy and democratic values. Abstract written by K. Schmitt.

Silverman, Fran. "Hot Button Handling" District Administration. November, 2003. pg. 24-27.

Developing course content for social studies and civics classes that covers important but controversial topics has proven to be difficult for many school districts. While many educators argue that critical thinking skills are developed through discussion of issues facing the nation, many parent, political and religious groups argue that schools are not the place to discuss controversial issues such as abortion, creationism, or the War in Iraq. Teachers and administrators are stuck in the middle; trying to teach critical thinking skills while also trying to prevent a public uproar. This article offers tips for covering "hot-button" issues in a manner that is sensitive to all sides of the issue. Abstract written by E. Kirby.

Torney-Purta, J. & Amadeo, J. (with a chapter by F. Pilotti) (2004). Strengthening Democracy in the Americas through Civic Education: An Empirical Analysis Highlighting the Views of Students
and Teachers. Washington, D.C.: Organization of American States.

The Organization of American States (Washington, D.C.) recently released a 150 page report entitled "Strengthening Democracy in the Americas through Civic Education: An Empirical Analysis Highlighting the Views of Students and Teachers." The report is designed to stimulate dialogue throughout the region about the contribution of civic education to democracy for adolescents (aged 14 and 17-18).

The report was authored by Judith Torney-Purta and Jo-Ann Amadeo of the Department of Human Development at the University of Maryland, and includes an introductory chapter by Francisco Pilotti (Coordinator at the Unit for Social Development and Education at the OAS). A grant from the Permanent Mission of the United States to the OAS supported the report.The report can be downloaded (PDF) in English or Spanish here. There is also an Executive Summary.

The authors used the recently released IEA Civic Education Study data from Chile, Colombia, Portugal and the United States in their analyses. Among the parts of the OAS report of special interest are performance statistics by country at the item level from the test of civic knowledge/skills and from scales assessing concepts of democracy and citizenship. This allows researchers and educators to see where the strengths and weaknesses of knowledge lie among students in these four countries. There is a chapter about economic knowledge and attitudes, as well as chapters about the media, several forms of engagement, trust, teachers, and support for rights. Abstract written by the author.

Service Learning

The Michigan Journal of Community Service Learning is a national, peer-reviewed journal consisting of articles written by faculty and service-learning educators on research, theory, pedagogy, and issues pertinent to the service-learning community. Please visit http://www.umich.edu/~mjcsl/ to view current research on service learning.

Abravanel, Susan A. “Building Community Through Service-Learning: The Role of the Community Partner.” Education Commission of the States.

High-quality service-learning experiences, benefiting both students and the community, are frequently stymied by a lack of appropriate communication between schools and community partners, such as government agencies or non-profit organizations. Schools trying to reach out to the community often find that reluctance from people who can not see the benefit of student volunteers. Agencies and organizations looking to partner with local schools often sense hesitation on the part of teachers, especially in the high-stakes standards-based environment of public education. Focusing on the role of the community partner, this issue paper outlines what agencies and organizations need to know about service-learning and content standards and gives advice on how to make service-learning projects work. Abstract written by K. Schmitt.

Eyler, Janet. 2002. "Reflection: Linking Service and Learning - Linking Students and Communities." Journal of Social Issues 58 (3): 517-534.

While research on service-learning has been mixed, there is evidence to suggest that service-learning programs which thoroughly integrate service and academic learning through continuous reflection promote development of the knowledge, skills, and cognitive capacities necessary for students to deal defectively with the complex social issues that challenge citizens. While there is not much research in the service-learning literature that specifically addresses techniques of reflection, evidence from studies of problem-based learning, situated cognition, and cognitive development suggests approaches to reflection that will enhance the power of service-learning in attaining these important goals which facilitate full community participation. This review presents concrete suggestions about this type of program. To order this article please visit the Journal of Social Issues.

Jones, Susan R. and Hill, Kathleen. 2001. "Crossing High Street: Understanding Diversity through Community Service-Learning." Journal of College Student Development 42 (3): 204-216.

The purpose of this research was to investigate how student and community participants come to understand diversity in the context of service-learning. This qualitative study examined the perspectives of 6 student participants in a service-learning class and 8 community participants from 2 community service organizations. Findings suggest the importance of relationships that are developed initially through finding common ground and then strengthened as efficacy is enhanced and empathy and compassion are nurtured.

Shulman, S., Beisser, S., Larson, T., & Shelley, M. (2002) "Digital Citizenship: Lessons Learned as Service Learning Meets the Digital Divide." (13 January, 2003).

This paper reports preliminary first-year results from an "itr"-funded National Science Foundation (NSF) grant enabling two central Iowa universities - Drake University and Iowa State University - to assess the efficacy of service-learning interventions in the dissemination of Information Technology Literacy (ITL) beyond the campus gates. It introduces service-learning, a pedagogy that promotes mutually beneficial partnerships between academic institutions and communities, and reflects on the particular challenges service-learning poses in practice. After less than a year, a number of lessons learned are emerging that will significantly impact implementation in years two and three of the project.

Werner, Carol M., Voce, Rose, Openshaw, Kellie Gaufin and Simons, Michael. 2002. "Designing Service-Learning to Empower Students and Community: Jackson Elementary Builds and Nature Study Center." Journal of Social Issues 58 (3): 557-579.

We propose an approach to service-learning in which projects are designed so as to empower undergraduate students and community members. When student service scholars take away control from citizens, than can undermine citizens' perceptions of competency; when faculty reduce students' choice and responsibility, they can undermine students' efficacy and desire to learn. We propose four guidelines for optimizing student and citizen experiences; (1) service should serve both the community and the students; (2) service should empower; (3) service should be contextual; and (4) service projects should endure. We elaborate this philosophy and illustrate it with a project in which nine university students and 30 fifth-graders built a science and nature study center for a K-6 elementary school. To order this article please visit the Journal of Social Issues.

Higher Education

Colby, Anne, Ehrlich, Thomas, Beaumont, Elizabeth, and Stephens, Jason. 2003. "Educating Citizens: Preparing Undergraduates for Moral and Civic Responsibility."

Educating Citizens reports on how some American colleges and universities are preparing thoughtful, committed, and socially responsible graduates. Many institutions assert these ambitions, but too few act on them. The authors demonstrate the fundamental importance of moral and civic education, describe how the historical and contemporary landscapes of higher education have shaped it, and explain the educational and developmental goals and processes involved in educating citizens. They examine the challenges colleges and universities face when they dedicate themselves to this vital task and present concrete ways to overcome those challenges. (Abstract from publisher)

Bringle, Robert G. and Hatcher, Julie A. 2002. "Campus-Community Partnerships: The Terms of Engagement." Journal of Social Issues 58 (3): 503-516.

The emergence of service-learning in higher education and the renewed emphasis on community involvement presents colleges and universities with opportunities to develop campus-community partnerships for the common good. These partnerships can leverage both campus and community resources to address critical issues in local communities. Campus-community partnerships are a series of interpersonal relationships between (a) campus administrators, faculty, staff, and students and (b) community leaders, agency personnel, and members of communities. The phases of relationships (i.e., initiation, development, maintenance, dissolution) and the dynamics of relationship (i.e. exchanges, equity , distribution of power) are explored to provide service-learning instructors and campus personnel with a clearer understanding of how to develop healthy campus-community partnerships. To order this article please visit the Journal of Social Issues.

Harkavy, Ira, Johnston, Francis, and Puckett, John. "The University of Pennsylvania's Center for Community Partnerships as an Organizational Innovation for Advancing Action" Concepts and Transformation, 1:1, 1996.

The article describes the Center for Community Partnerships at the University of Pennsylvania as an organizational innovation designed to mobilize the range of the university resources to solve the strategic problem of creating democratic, local cosmopolitan communities. We identify the Center's approach to this problem as helping to develop university-assisted community schools, schools transformed to function as centers and catalysts for community revitalization with ongoing support from an institution of higher education. We argue that communal action research, in which scholarly attention is focused upon the university's local geographic area in a continuous comprehensive partnership with the community studied, is a particularly promising approach for revitalizing communities, advancing knowledge, and integrating the university's missions of research, teaching, and service. We describe the Turner Nutritional Awareness Project (TNAP), which works to alleviate nutrition problems in a university-assisted community school, as an example of communal action research conducted by all participants in a common project. We conclude by describing the structure and operation of the Center for Community Partnerships, claiming that the Center itself is part of a broader organizational change occurring throughout the American academy as urban universities, in particular, respond to severe external crises as well as internal difficulties resulting from the separation of service from teaching and research. (Abstract by author.)

The Journal of Public Affairs has a Supplement edition with many articles on civic education in higher education. Following are a few of the articles:

Furco, Andrew. 2002. "Institutionalizing Service-Learning in Higher Education." Journal of Public Affairs Supplement 1.

The institutionalization of service-learning in higher education is a complex process that is shaped by the confluence of a variety of factors. Based on current discussions in the literature and findings from a three-year exploratory study, this article discusses the central issues and critical leverage points for institutionalizing service-learning in higher education. A conceptual framework that identifies five key dimensions of service-learning institutionalization is presented. (Abstract by the author)

Checkoway, Barry. 2002. "Renewing the Civic Mission of the American Research University." Journal of Public Affairs, Supplement 1, p. 39.

Should the research university have a strategy for renewing its civic mission, and, if so, what should it be? This article analyzes elements of a strategy that would prepare students for active preparation in a democratic society; this strategy would engage faculty in research and teaching that involves and develops communities, increases institutional capacity for civic renewal, and connects diversity and democracy as complementary educational objectives. The article concentrates on research universities because of their special status and strategic position in higher education. (Abstract by the author)

Heffernan, Kerrissa. 2002. "Civic Lessons." Journal of Public Affairs, Supplement 1.
Students, like many Amreicans, care a great deal about democratic ideals. While research suggests that students as a group are absent from traditional political activity, research also supports that they are overwhelmingly represented in service and community-building efforts. Aligned with their vision for relational democracy, community work can be a powerful civic education for students as it reinforces important democratic principles, such as associational life and public debate, and illustrates the basic democratic tenet, that social bonds strengthen communities and institutions, and in doing so maintain the democratic process. But students cannot be left to "walk the road alone." Higher education should capitalize on the teachable moment of community work and foster those opportunities to instill in students a civic identity rooted in public purpose. (Abstract by the author)

Just, Richard. "Schools of Thought." The American Prospect. October 2003. A9-A12.

On college campuses, traditionally a bastion of liberal thought, conservative organizations are making their presence known. From the strength born of oppression, conservative magazines and other groups are springing up. Liberal thought